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Old Socialists never die--they just smell that way!

The Socialists in Pakistan are empowered by the turmoil in the region, the schism between the rich and the poor, the growing disenchantment with America and the fear of the Taliban. There is a lot of discussion about the systems. Many feel that capitalism in a tailspin does not offer solutions for the third world. Others want to seek new avenues for development and seek solace in the economic growth of China and Russia. Some even eulogize Cuba and venerate Venezuela. Most are disenchanted with the corruption of the ruling elite.

Lenin was very clear in this relationship between the revolutionary vanguard and the working class. In "Left wing Communism", Lenin writes:

"If you want to help 'the masses' and to win the sympathy and support of 'the masses', you must not fear difficulties, you must not fear the pinpricks, chicanery, insults and persecution on the part of the 'leaders' (who being opportunists and social chauvinists, are in most cases directly or indirectly connected with the bourgeoisie and the police), but must imperatively work wherever the masses are to be found. You must be capable of every sacrifice, of overcoming the greatest obstacles in order to carry on agitation and propaganda systematically, perseveringly, persistently and patiently, precisely in those institutions, societies and associations - even the most ultra-reactionary - in which proletarian or semi proletarian masses are to be found." (Left wing Communism, an Infantile Disorder, Lenin, pp. 61)

A mass revolutionary upheaval in the next period in Pakistan will outshine even the 1968-69 revolution, which created and gave stature to the tradition of the PPP. Such movements are iconoclastic in character, they create new revolutionary traditions that change societies, reshape destiny and transform history. A revolutionary tendency can play a decisive role in such events.

Even with the relatively small forces of revolutionary Marxism in Pakistan, a subjective factor can give organization and direction to such a movement. Such a revolutionary upheaval can overthrow capitalism, destroy the roots of religious fundamentalism and obscurantism, smash the shackles of feudalism and remove the yoke of imperialist stranglehold and exploitation. Such a feat can only be accomplished through a Socialist Revolution. A socialist victory in Pakistan would open the floodgates of revolutionary upheavals across the South Asian subcontinent from Afghanistan to Burma where the masses are seething with revolt and yearning for a socialist transformation. Socialist dot Net

Several factors led to the defeat and retreat of the Marxist parties in the land of the Indus. Many feel that Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto had used and abused the leftist forces and them left them out to dry.

the PPP rode to power in the wake of the anti-Ayub movement of 1968-69. This was the height of the Vietnam War (the Tet Offensive had taken place in 1968), the Chinese Cultural Revolution and the Anti-Imperialist movement in the heartland of Imperialism, i.e. the USA. In Pakistan, the movement was lead by the radical sections of the petty-bourgeoise strata with its allies in the working class and the peasantry. Seeing which way the movement was turning, the PPP put the popular slogan ‘Maang Raha Hai Har Insaan - Roti, Kapra aur Makaan’ (Every human being is demanding Bread, Clothing and Shelter!) as well as the slogan of ‘Socialism avay hee avay’ (Socialism is bound to come!). The inclusion of what became the socialism clause are to read against this background and it is immaterial how much the PPP remained true to its word, the point is that the term occupies a central place within the constitution and it is important for its defenders to entreat it. The Red Diary

The judicial killing of Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto, the other was ascent of Zia Ul Haq was the final nail in the coffin of the Hammer and Sickle in the land of the Crescent and Star. After the defeat of the Soviet Armies, and implosion of USSR, the leftist forces in Pakistan went into hiding and hibernation.

Before 1968, politics and political parties were all about the ruling class. There was no mention of the working class and its political role, in the media or among the intelligentsia. But that all changed. The working class rose onto the political scene with an exceptional revolutionary movement, which started as protests against the regime of Ayub Khan led by students in November 1968, growing to a general strike led by the working class within a few months.

Workers started to occupy factories and peasants took over lands from feudal lords. In some areas, the peasantry organised armed struggle against the landlords. Tenants refused to pay rents. The working class took control of the cities and started to run the administration. A few cities remained under workers’ control for more than two weeks. Socialist revolution could be smelt in the air. Socialism was the main slogan in the movement. The ruling class was terrified.

The founder of the Pakistan People’s Party (PPP), Zulifqar Ali Bhutto, came to its rescue. There was no revolutionary party and leadership able to carry through the revolution and overthrow capitalism and feudalism to establish a workers’ state. Bhutto took advantage of the situation and derailed the potential socialist revolution into a reformist democratic movement. The working class lost this opportunity and later paid the price for this failure. Respective regimes viciously attacked the most militant and conscious layers of the working class, introducing laws to prevent strikes and the formation of unions, and banning trade union activities in many sectors of the economy.

The trade union movement started to decline in the 1980s and has weakened significantly since, the last 15 years being the most difficult time. The collapse of Stalinist Russia and the Stalinist states of Eastern Europe also affected the trade union movement. Many left-wing unions, federations and their leaders fully capitulated to capitalism and started preaching free-market economy to their ranks. Leaders betrayed many struggles against privatisation and neo-liberalism. The main trade union leaderships also adopted the policy of compromise and opportunism against government attacks on workers and trade unions. Now, only 3% of workers are affiliated with trade unions.

The trade union movement is at a crossroad. Compromise and capitulation will lead to further weakness and decline. But struggle and organised resistance can provide strength and much needed confidence to the labour movement. And the numbers of trade unions have begun to increase as new sections of the working class have started to organise. Some important struggles and strikes have emerged in last few years, including the historic strike of PTCL (telecommunications) and textile workers. Teachers are also fighting for their rights, and industrial workers have won some important battles. In next few years, there will be a resurgence of workers’ struggles and strikes.

Zia Ul Haq's patronage of the Ultra Right and the religious press the Leninist and Maoists further underground. The drying up of funding sources from Moscow eliminated the Mazdoor Kisan Party and its breakaway offshoots. Even the Bhashani and Wali Khan's National Awami Party felt the pressure and lost its traditional voting block in the Western provinces of Pakistan. Many had thought that they were dead as a door nail.

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THE PAKISTAN PEOPLE’S Party was founded in 1967 with just 35 people. Zulifqar Ali Bhutto was the founding chairman. He was a big feudal lord from Sindh and served as minister in the military government of Ayub Khan. He was a clever politician. He correctly understood the mood of the masses and put forward a radical programme with socialist slogans. He put forward demands for bread, houses and clothes for everyone. He also talked about a socialist planned economy and a classless society. In the absence of an organised left party and movement, he came forward with radical anti-capitalist and anti-feudal slogans.

The PPP became the largest political party in Pakistan in just a few months, in the aftermath of the revolutionary movement of the working class. It became the largest party in West Pakistan, while the Awami League trounced the other parties to win a landslide in East Pakistan in the first ever elections in 1970. The military and civil establishment refused to hand over power to the Awami League and this resulted in a civil war and then the separation of East Pakistan (now called Bangladesh) in 1971. Bhutto became the leader of the rest of Pakistan. He came to power with popular support, introducing a few reforms in the early period of his rule, and nationalising more than 70% of the economy.

But he was frightened of a strong working class and used repressive measures against the trade unions. He betrayed the working class and started attacking its advanced layers. His support started to decrease in the last years of his rule. The military organised a coup against him in 1977 after a violent right-wing movement against him. He was later hanged by the military government. His hanging again made him popular with the masses, because it showed he had refused to compromise with the military dictator.Socialism Today

With a resurgent Moscow, a depressed Capitalist world, and the Taliban at the Gates, many of the "Surkas" (Reds), as they are known in Pakistan have come to the forefront. The Reds even a band called "Lal" which is perpetuating its brand of populist socialism egged on by closet and hidden Socialists like Ahtizaz Ahsan. Even Mubbashair Hasan, the Left's darling and the Minister of Health of Zufiqar Ali Bhutto is now out in the open.

It is pedagogical to note that that old Socialists have come out of the woodwork. Clearly the ANP which ha dbeen rejected by the Pakhtuns for decades now is in power. Amazingly the Khans of ANP/NAP are ready to deal with the "TTP" of Swat even though the TTP is the antithesis of the the socialist and secular policies of the founding fathers of the NAP.

Will the future Pakhtuns owe their allegiance to Moscow or Mecca or Mao? This is the latent million Dollar question that will be answered in the coming weeks.

Article 3 and Karl Marx

The ‘Socialism clause’ is Article 3 of the Constitution (above clause 6 for High treason that no one tires of mentioned!) entitled ‘Elimination of exploitation’ and reads:

The State shall ensure the elimination of all forms of exploitation and the gradual fulfilment of the fundamental principle, from each according to his ability, to each according to his work.

The above quote is taken from Marx’s classic work ‘The Critique of the Gotha Program’ where he explicates how the principle of “from each according to his ability, to each according to his needs” can
only be realized in the Classless, Stateless Communist society where material production abounds and for socialist society, arising fresh out of the birth pangs of Capitalism, a better measure would be ‘from
each according to his ability, to each according to the labour performed’. Consequently, the above phrase was included as the cornerstone of the Constitution of the USSR, the first Socialist Country on earth. Despite not actually materializing, Socialism is definitely a part of our constitution. The Red Diary

The left in Pakistan heralds Mohammad Ali Jinnah as a secular cultural Muslim. The right points to his advocacy for a Muslim homeland and butters up this monograph with his statements about the Pakistani constitution derived out the Quran. The left points to Jinnah's earlier lifestyle. And so it goes.

‘Restoration’ and Socialism

It is therefore abundantly clear that the question of the restoration of the 1973 Constitution is invariably tied to the question of Socialism in Pakistan. The fact that it has not been mentioned within
the numerous debates of the past one year may tell us something about the class composition of the Lawyers movement; it may also explain why the broad masses of the workers and peasants of Pakistan, although definitely inspired by the heroic struggle of the lawyers and their allies, have not actively participated in the Defence of the Constitution. The Radicals in the Democratic movement need to bring Article 3 to the fore in order to connect the Constitutional question with the popular classes, as well as to see whether the class loyalties of the ‘Constitutionalists’ take precedence over their Defence of the Constitution. Any Takers? The Red Diary

The implications of the Left vs. Right battle in Pakistan reverberate around the world. Pakistan was the most loyal US ally during the Cold War. It was the front line state which led to the Soviet defeat in Afghanistan which many attribute led to the implosion of the USSR. Pakistanis and the 2 million that died fighting Moscow helped the USA destroy their biggest enemy. That help went unappreciated and was rewarded with en years of sanctions for the Pakistanis.

Today the memory of the non-delivery of the F-16s, that had been paid for with $450 million of Pakistan cash plus the CIAs drone bombing adds to the growing Anti-Americanism. The left in Pakistan plays on this growing Anti-Americanism and propagates a Socialistic Pakistan. Amazingly this has much appeal for the Socialistic Elite as well as the oppressed poor.

The only class which can bring change and transform the lives of the working masses is the working class. Socialism is the only viable system to replace capitalism. The working class has not yet started to move but once it starts the whole political scenario will be different. There is a 43 million strong working class, one third of the total population. The Pakistani working class and masses have showed again and again that they have the potential, courage and capability to conduct a revolutionary struggle against the rotten rulers. The working class needs its own revolutionary party and leadership to organise the struggle. Such a party, with a clear programme, strategy and tactics, and mass support, can win the future for the masses.

Pakistan is heading towards another showdown between the ruling and working classes. The outcome of this showdown will determine the future of this country and for the masses. The working class cannot take full advantage of independence and cannot enjoy real freedom without the overthrow of capitalism and feudalism. Socialism Today

Pakistan is at crossroads. It is threatened by the religious fervor of the Extremist Right and held hostage to the machination of the Left whose purse stings may be held far from the shore of Karachi.

The fanaticism of the religious right is matched by the extremism of the irreligiousness of the fundamentalist left. The Pro-Leninists are at the throats of the the Pro-Jeffersonians who are odds of the the Pro-Caliphists. All factions are also influenced by the ground realities where Iran, Russia, the USA, China are pulling the strings.

Bharat (aka India) scared out of it wits, is pushing for a secular government in Islamabad and Kabul. Washington wants to replicate Jeffersonian democracy in the land of the Indus and the Amu Darya. Moscow waits in the wings to incorporate Afghanistan into its near-abroad.

If one can look into the seeds of time and see which will grow and which will not, one has to see the writing on the wall. The writing on the wall spells the "day after". The "Day after" the US leaves Afghanistan is victory for those who want a Caliphate in Kabul. The "Day after" the America is thrown out of Kabul spells a victory of the anti-imperialist forces of the Pakhtuns. The "Day after' defines a prosperous South Asia for the freedom loving Pro-Western Pakistanis. The "Day after" describes a turning of the tide for he Marxists who had warned the USA of intervening in Afghanistan.